“Before mass leaders seize the
power to fit reality to their lies, their propaganda is marked by its
extreme contempt for facts as such, for in their opinion fact depends
entirely on the power of man who can fabricate it.”
― Hannah Arendt, The Origins of Totalitarianism
― Hannah Arendt, The Origins of Totalitarianism
Eco listed 14
features of what he called Ur-Fascism or Eternal Fascism. He began
the list with this caveat:
These features cannot be organized into a system; many of them contradict each other, and are also typical of other kinds of despotism or fanaticism. But it is enough that one of them be present to allow fascism to coagulate around it.
Here’s an
abbreviated version of Eco’s list:
1. The cult
of tradition. “One has only to look at the syllabus of every
fascist movement to find the major traditionalist thinkers. The Nazi
gnosis was nourished by traditionalist, syncretistic, occult
elements.” We get our country back. We appeal to “ordinary and
decent people”
2. The
rejection of modernism. “The Enlightenment, the Age of Reason, is
seen as the beginning of modern depravity. In this sense Ur-Fascism
can be defined as irrationalism.” We reject social science, we deny
climate change. We invoke a country that was simple, white, straight
and gay people and feminists were invisible. http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-politics-41735839
3. The cult
of action for action’s sake. “Action being beautiful in itself,
it must be taken before, or without, any previous reflection.
Thinking is a form of emasculation.” We use the phrase I am a
business man not a politiciam. We use words like the “free market”
while at the same time empower billionaire business men as sources of
commom sense.
4.
Disagreement is treason. “The critical spirit makes distinctions,
and to distinguish is a sign of modernism. In modern culture the
scientific community praises disagreement as a way to improve
knowledge.” We call remainers “remoaners and un patriotic. We
stress British values and talk about controlling our borders. We use
words like “snowflakes” and claim rligious authority.
5. Fear of
difference. “The first appeal of a fascist or prematurely fascist
movement is an appeal against the intruders. Thus Ur-Fascism is
racist by definition.” LGBT rights and minority rights and freedoms
are rubbished. People who are not like the others are presented as
having common sense and political correctness is used as a term of
abuse and control.
6. Appeal to
social frustration. “One of the most typical features of the
historical fascism was the appeal to a frustrated middle class, a
class suffering from an economic crisis or feelings of political
humiliation, and frightened by the pressure of lower social groups.”
We stress traditional values and the threatt of the leftie or commie.
7. The
obsession with a plot. “The followers must feel besieged. The
easiest way to solve the plot is the appeal to xenophobia.”
Patriotism is invoked and there are perceptions of the enemy within.
The Universties are suspect and are full of traitors.
9.Pacifism
is trafficking with the enemy. “For Ur-Fascism there is no
struggle for life but, rather, life is lived for struggle.” we
claim reality, we claim that struggle is good for us and that we
musr fear the snowflakes and the fifth column within. Yet at the
same time they are a threat they are also mad and stupid. We
introduce the term libtards to mock them.
10. Contempt
for the weak. “Elitism is a typical aspect of any reactionary
ideology.” Social Darwinism is promoted. There is no real poverty.
Poverty is and individual choice and there are scroungers everywhere.
The solution to everything is to get a job and buckle down.
11. Everybody
is educated to become a hero. “In Ur-Fascist ideology, heroism is
the norm. This cult of heroism is strictly linked with the cult of
death.” The hero is stressed. The armed services makes you a man
and you are elevated as a hero because you do what you are told.
12. Machismo
and weaponry. “Machismo implies both disdain for women and
intolerance and condemnation of nonstandard sexual habits, from
chastity to homosexuality.” There are real men, who never cry,
never talk about emotions and can avoid mental ilness, depression and
psychological problems.
13. Selective
populism. “There is in our future a TV or Internet populism, in
which the emotional response of a selected group of citizens can be
presented and accepted as the Voice of the People.” The specialist
is mocked, the approach of the laymen is elevated and commom sense is
true and is not just a statitical average.
14.
Ur-Fascism speaks Newspeak. “All the Nazi or Fascist schoolbooks
made use of an impoverished vocabulary, and an elementary syntax, in
order to limit the instruments for complex and critical reasoning.”
Long arguments are boring. It must be said simply. Those who cant say
things in 200 words are windbags and are sad and have no life.
It difficult
to look at Eco’s list and not see parallels between it and
President Trumpa administration and on posts on social media and in
arguments full of swaering and bullying.
We must
resist. Disagree. Be modern. Improve knowledge. Welcome outsiders.
Protect the weak. Reject xenophobia. Welcome difference. At the end
of his piece, Eco quotes Franklin Roosevelt saying during
a radio address on the “need for continuous progressive
government”:
http://www.christhorpe.net/writing/2016/11/15/ur-fascism
http://www.christhorpe.net/writing/2016/11/15/ur-fascism
I venture the challenging statement that if democracy ceases to move forward as a living force, seeking day and night by peaceful means to better the lot of our citizens, fascism will grow in strength in our land. It has geown since Brexit.
And Eco
himself adds: “Freedom and liberation are an unending task.” So
is Fascism
“The
strategic adversary is fascism... the fascism in us all, in our heads
and in our everyday behavior, the fascism that causes us to love
power, to desire the very thing that dominates and exploits us.”
― Michel Foucault
https://www.alternet.org/election-2016/trump-eerily-perfect-match-famous-14-point-guide-identify-fascist-leaders
Eternal Fascism:
In spite of some fuzziness regarding the difference between various historical forms of fascism, I think it is possible to outline a list of features that are typical of what I would like to call Ur-Fascism, or Eternal Fascism. These features cannot be organized into a system; many of them contradict each other, and are also typical of other kinds of despotism or fanaticism. But it is enough that one of them be present to allow fascism to coagulate around it.
This new culture had to be syncretistic. Syncretism is not only, as the dictionary says, "the combination of different forms of belief or practice;" such a combination must tolerate contradictions. Each of the original messages contains a sliver of wisdom, and although they seem to say different or incompatible things, they all are nevertheless alluding, allegorically, to the same primeval truth.
As a consequence, there can be no advancement of learning. Truth already has been spelled out once and for all, and we can only keep interpreting its obscure message.
If you browse in the shelves that, in American bookstores, are labeled New Age, you can find there even Saint Augustine, who, as far as I know, was not a fascist. But combining Saint Augustine and Stonehenge -- that is a symptom of Ur-Fascism.
Because of its qualitative populism, Ur-Fascism must be against "rotten" parliamentary governments. Wherever a politician casts doubt on the legitimacy of a parliament because it no longer represents the Voice of the People, we can smell Ur-Fascism.
Umberto Eco (c) 1995
― Michel Foucault
https://www.alternet.org/election-2016/trump-eerily-perfect-match-famous-14-point-guide-identify-fascist-leaders
Eternal Fascism:
Fourteen Ways of Looking at a Blackshirt
By Umberto Eco
Writing in New York Review of Books, 22 June 1995, pp.12-15. Excerpted in Utne Reader, November-December 1995, pp. 57-59. The following version follows the text and formatting of the Utne Reader article, and in addition, makes the first sentence of each numbered point a statement in bold type. Italics are in the original.
The very personal essay that this is an excerpt of is "Ur-Fascism", and it is very much worth the read. You can drop a penny in the jar at that web site to see the whole article (or it might show it to you for free), or you can read it in his book Five Moral Pieces.
You might also enjoy reading this February 2016 article: "Umberto Eco on Donald Trump: 14 Ways of Looking at a Fascist- The Leading Republican Presidential Candidate is More Mussolini Than Hitler".
In spite of some fuzziness regarding the difference between various historical forms of fascism, I think it is possible to outline a list of features that are typical of what I would like to call Ur-Fascism, or Eternal Fascism. These features cannot be organized into a system; many of them contradict each other, and are also typical of other kinds of despotism or fanaticism. But it is enough that one of them be present to allow fascism to coagulate around it.
* * *
1. The first feature of Ur-Fascism is the cult of tradition.
Traditionalism
is of course much older than fascism. Not only was it typical of
counterrevolutionary Catholic thought after the French revolution, but
is was born in the late Hellenistic era, as a reaction to classical
Greek rationalism. In the Mediterranean basin, people of different
religions (most of the faiths indulgently accepted by the Roman
pantheon) started dreaming of a revelation received at the dawn of
human history. This revelation, according to the traditionalist
mystique, had remained for a long time concealed under the veil of
forgotten languages -- in Egyptian hieroglyphs, in the Celtic runes, in
the scrolls of the little-known religions of Asia.This new culture had to be syncretistic. Syncretism is not only, as the dictionary says, "the combination of different forms of belief or practice;" such a combination must tolerate contradictions. Each of the original messages contains a sliver of wisdom, and although they seem to say different or incompatible things, they all are nevertheless alluding, allegorically, to the same primeval truth.
As a consequence, there can be no advancement of learning. Truth already has been spelled out once and for all, and we can only keep interpreting its obscure message.
If you browse in the shelves that, in American bookstores, are labeled New Age, you can find there even Saint Augustine, who, as far as I know, was not a fascist. But combining Saint Augustine and Stonehenge -- that is a symptom of Ur-Fascism.
2. Traditionalism implies the rejection of modernism.
Both
Fascists and Nazis worshipped technology, while traditionalist thinkers
usually reject it as a negation of traditional spiritual values.
However, even though Nazism was proud of its industrial achievements,
its praise of modernism was only the surface of an ideology based upon
blood and earth (Blut und Boden). The rejection of the modern
world was disguised as a rebuttal of the capitalistic way of life. The
Enlightenment, the Age of Reason, is seen as the beginning of modern
depravity. In this sense Ur-Fascism can be defined as irrationalism.
3. Irrationalism also depends on the cult of action for action's sake.
Action
being beautiful in itself, it must be taken before, or without,
reflection. Thinking is a form of emasculation. Therefore culture is
suspect insofar as it is identified with critical attitudes. Distrust
of the intellectual world has always been a symptom of Ur-Fascism, from
Hermann Goering's fondness for a phrase from a Hanns Johst play ("When
I hear the word 'culture' I reach for my gun") to the frequent use of
such expressions as "degenerate intellectuals," "eggheads," "effete
snobs," and "universities are nests of reds." The official Fascist
intellectuals were mainly engaged in attacking modern culture and the
liberal intelligentsia for having betrayed traditional values.
4. The critical spirit makes distinctions, and to distinguish is a sign of modernism.
In modern culture the scientific community praises disagreement as a way to improve knowledge. For Ur-Fascism, disagreement is treason.
5. Besides, disagreement is a sign of diversity.
Ur-Fascism grows up and seeks consensus by exploiting and exacerbating the natural fear of difference.
The first appeal of a fascist or prematurely fascist movement is an
appeal against the intruders. Thus Ur-Fascism is racist by definition.
6. Ur-Fascism derives from individual or social frustration.
That is why one of the most typical features of the historical fascism was the appeal to a frustrated middle class,
a class suffering from an economic crisis or feelings of political
humiliation, and frightened by the pressure of lower social groups. In
our time, when the old "proletarians" are becoming petty bourgeois (and
the lumpen are largely excluded from the political scene), the fascism
of tomorrow will find its audience in this new majority.
7.
To people who feel deprived of a clear social identity, Ur-Fascism says
that their only privilege is the most common one, to be born in the
same country.
This is the origin of nationalism.
Besides, the only ones who can provide an identity to the nation are
its enemies. Thus at the root of the Ur-Fascist psychology there is the
obsession with a plot, possibly an international one. The
followers must feel besieged. The easiest way to solve the plot is the
appeal to xenophobia. But the plot must also come from the inside: Jews
are usually the best target because they have the advantage of being at
the same time inside and outside. In the United States, a prominent
instance of the plot obsession is to be found in Pat Robertson's The New World Order, but, as we have recently seen, there are many others.
8. The followers must feel humiliated by the ostentatious wealth and force of their enemies.
When
I was a boy I was taught to think of Englishmen as the five-meal
people. They ate more frequently than the poor but sober Italians. Jews
are rich and help each other through a secret web of mutual assistance.
However, the followers of Ur-Fascism must also be convinced that they
can overwhelm the enemies. Thus, by a continuous shifting of rhetorical
focus, the enemies are at the same time too strong and too weak.
Fascist governments are condemned to lose wars because they are
constitutionally incapable of objectively evaluating the force of the
enemy.
9. For Ur-Fascism there is no struggle for life but, rather, life is lived for struggle.
Thus pacifism is trafficking with the enemy. It is bad because life is permanent warfare.
This, however, brings about an Armageddon complex. Since enemies have
to be defeated, there must be a final battle, after which the movement
will have control of the world. But such "final solutions" implies a
further era of peace, a Golden Age, which contradicts the principle of
permanent war. No fascist leader has ever succeeded in solving this
predicament.
10. Elitism is a typical aspect of
any reactionary ideology, insofar as it is fundamentally aristocratic,
and aristocratic and militaristic elitism cruelly implies contempt for the weak.
Ur-Fascism
can only advocate a popular elitism. Every citizen belongs to the best
people in the world, the members or the party are the best among the
citizens, every citizen can (or ought to) become a member of the party.
But there cannot be patricians without plebeians. In fact, the Leader,
knowing that his power was not delegated to him democratically but was
conquered by force, also knows that his force is based upon the
weakness of the masses; they are so weak as to need and deserve a ruler.
11. In such a perspective everybody is educated to become a hero.
In
every mythology the hero is an exceptional being, but in Ur-Fascist
ideology heroism is the norm. This cult of heroism is strictly linked
with the cult of death. It is not by chance that a motto of the Spanish
Falangists was Viva la Muerte ("Long Live Death!"). In
nonfascist societies, the lay public is told that death is unpleasant
but must be faced with dignity; believers are told that it is the
painful way to reach a supernatural happiness. By contrast, the
Ur-Fascist hero craves heroic death, advertised as the best reward for
a heroic life. The Ur-Fascist hero is impatient to die. In his
impatience, he more frequently sends other people to death.
12. Since both permanent war and heroism are difficult games to play, the Ur-Fascist transfers his will to power to sexual matters.
This
is the origin of machismo (which implies both disdain for women and
intolerance and condemnation of nonstandard sexual habits, from
chastity to homosexuality). Since even sex is a difficult game to play,
the Ur-Fascist hero tends to play with weapons -- doing so becomes an
ersatz phallic exercise.
13. Ur-Fascism is based upon a selective populism, a qualitative populism, one might say.
In
a democracy, the citizens have individual rights, but the citizens in
their entirety have a political impact only from a quantitative point
of view -- one follows the decisions of the majority. For Ur-Fascism,
however, individuals as individuals have no rights, and the People is
conceived as a quality, a monolithic entity expressing the Common Will.
Since no large quantity of human beings can have a common will, the
Leader pretends to be their interpreter. Having lost their power of
delegation, citizens do not act; they are only called on to play the
role of the People. Thus the People is only a theatrical fiction. There
is in our future a TV or Internet populism, in which the emotional
response of a selected group of citizens can be presented and accepted
as the Voice of the People.Because of its qualitative populism, Ur-Fascism must be against "rotten" parliamentary governments. Wherever a politician casts doubt on the legitimacy of a parliament because it no longer represents the Voice of the People, we can smell Ur-Fascism.
14. Ur-Fascism speaks Newspeak.
Newspeak
was invented by Orwell, in Nineteen Eighty-Four, as the official
language of what he called Ingsoc, English Socialism. But elements of
Ur-Fascism are common to different forms of dictatorship. All the Nazi
or Fascist schoolbooks made use of an impoverished vocabulary, and an
elementary syntax, in order to limit the instruments for complex and
critical reasoning. But we must be ready to identify other kinds of
Newspeak, even if they take the apparently innocent form of a popular
talk show.* * *
Ur-Fascism is still around us, sometimes in plainclothes. It would be so much easier for us if there appeared on the world scene somebody saying, "I want to reopen Auschwitz, I want the Blackshirts to parade again in the Italian squares." Life is not that simple. Ur-Fascism can come back under the most innocent of disguises. Our duty is to uncover it and to point our finger at any of its new instances — every day, in every part of the world. Franklin Roosevelt's words of November 4, 1938, are worth recalling: "If American democracy ceases to move forward as a living force, seeking day and night by peaceful means to better the lot of our citizens, fascism will grow in strength in our land." Freedom and liberation are an unending task.Umberto Eco (c) 1995
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