Thursday 21 July 2016

Ignorance, Loathing and Stupidity in the Republican party........



Last night I watched the Republican Convention and I thought back to two figures that the conservative Right rave about. The truth is had they ever read any of the works of Ayn Rand or Thomas Jefferson they would know that neither have any real similarity to the modern Republican party. I would like to concentrate and expalin both Ayn Rands aetheism and Thomas Jefferson`s deism. The truth is the sheer ignorance of the Republican activists. So for them I give them a history lesson. I When you comsider the Republican party it makes you appreciate how well read Nigel Fargae is..eh Gareth Hanford?

spoils of the people,” and established churches, in Jefferson’s view, demanded the unreasoning submission of credulous flocks, faith against reason. Republican governments, however, could not survive without the informed, ongoing consent of reasoning citizens that the complete separation of church and state could alone assure. Freeing itself from its corruptions, Christianity’s appeal to reasonable citizens would be irresistible.
Jefferson read the Bible carefully and repeatedly, seeking to sift Jesus’s pure teachings from the conflicting accounts of his brief career as a great reformer in the New Testament. Under the spell of the Greek philosopher Plato and his conception of transcendent, ideal “forms,” theologians, Jefferson believed, had discovered meanings between and beyond the lines of Scripture that defied reason and justified spiritual tyranny. Jefferson’s biblical hermeneutic—his common-sense, rationalist mode of interpretation—led him to extract his own version of the Christian Scripture from the corrupted texts preserved in the Gospels. The “Jefferson Bible” was not meant for publication and broad distribution, but instead modeled for his own and his family’s edification how a reasonable republican citizen might engage with Scripture.
Jefferson’s countrymen might be less willing to jettison the accounts of miracles and legends that made the historical Jesus divine and gave his teachings the kind of authority that former American subjects imputed to their British king, but self-governing Americans would follow Jefferson’s lead in questioning authority. The bill Jefferson proposed in 1779 for “the diffusion of knowledge” through state-supported public schools was thus the perfect complement to his Bill for Religious Freedom. Education was the surest “foundation” that “can be devised for the preservation of freedom, and happiness,” Jefferson told his mentor George Wythe in 1786: “if any body thinks that kings, nobles, or priests are good conservators of the public happiness, send them here . . . They will see here with their own eyes that these descriptions of men are an abandoned confederacy against the happiness of the mass of the people.”[5]
Jefferson did not believe unaided human reason could answer all metaphysical questions. He would rather “sleep on the pillow of ignorance” than speculate pointlessly about the presence of sea fossils in the high Andes or—more profoundly—about the original implementation of God’s design in his Creation. Priests and philosophers conjured up comforting myths and fables to explain the inexplicable, but their pretense to knowledge and authority disempowered the people. “Your own reason is the only oracle given you by heaven,” Jefferson wrote his nephew Peter Carr in 1787, “and you are answerable not for the rightness but uprightness of the decision.” At this early date, when he still could be accurately described as a “deist,” Jefferson recognized both the limits of reason and the popular appeal of the preachers’ myths and mysteries. It was crucially important, however, for Jefferson to preach the republican gospel of equality: “state a moral case to a ploughman & a professor,” Jefferson told Carr,” the former will decide it as well, & often better than the latter, because he has not been led astray by artificial rules.” After all, Jefferson had exalted the common sense of the people, their capacity to grasp “self-evident” truths, in the Declaration of Independence. Republican citizens must learn to reason for themselves and not defer to superior authorities who claimed a monopoly on truth.[6]
Jefferson repeatedly excoriated the unholy alliance of “kings, nobles, and priests,” a this-worldly caricature of the Christian trinity. But disestablishment defanged priestly power and led Jefferson to a more positive and conciliatory attitude toward religious leaders. Early in his career, his concern with separation of church and state led him to proscribe clergymen from political office: if priests could lead their own flocks astray, they were bound to exercise a deleterious influence in the public councils: they would seek to gain special favors and privileges from the state, and ultimately some sort of new establishment. But by the time of Jefferson’s ascendancy to the presidency in 1801, the “dominion of the clergy” was shattered and the remaining establishments—in Massachusetts, Connecticut, and New Hampshire—were on the defensive. As he famously wrote the Danbury (Connecticut) Baptists in 1802, the American people had come to see, with Jefferson, “that religion is a matter which lies solely between man and his God.” Jefferson now tended to think of preachers as ethical teachers, building congregations of “ploughmen” by speaking the new republican language of common sense. Jefferson knew that many preachers in the expanding evangelical sects had little or no formal theological training: they were not the sophisticated “professors” who had exploited popular credulity to sustain hierarchy and church establishments. There was no reason, Jefferson ultimately concluded, to exclude these preachers—many of whom were his fervent supporters—from holding political office.[7]
Jefferson’s early deism increasingly took on a self-consciously Christian cast. The success of the republican experiment depended on a moral, even spiritual revolution, something very much like the revivals of the Second Great Awakening of the early decades of the nineteenth century. Most historians argue that Jefferson—the stereotypical deist of Federalist caricature—was hopelessly out of step with the American people. They cite his absurd prediction (to Benjamin Waterhouse in 1822), “that there is not a young man now living in the United States who will not die an Unitarian.” But Jefferson was not particularly interested in sectarian labels or doctrinal differences. The key thing was that “in this blessed country of free inquiry and belief, which has surrendered its creed and conscience to neither kings nor priests, the genuine doctrine of one only God is reviving.” Unitarians did not prove to be great revivalists—though Jefferson did think “missionaries from Cambridge . . . would be attended in the fields [of Virginia] by whole acres of hearers and thinkers”—but other sects rose to the challenge, preaching up democratic church organization, downplaying thorny theological distinctions, and promoting an evangelical and ecumenical religion of the people. Like Jefferson, evangelicals also often fashioned themselves “primitive Christians,” returning with him to the pure font of Christ’s teachings. Of course, they found different truths in the Bible and their faith in the miraculous did not wane. But their self-renovation in the “new birth”—the most compelling “miracle” of all—bore striking similarities to Jefferson’s fundamental faith in the capacity of former British subjects to be born again as republican citizens.[8]
The young Jefferson’s deism did not lead down the supposedly slippery slope toward atheism and relativism. His republican faith instead converged with a broad democratization of American Christianity and was most eloquently expressed in his conception of his countrymen as a “chosen people” with a providential role to play in world history. Jefferson did not hesitate to invoke a God who acted through history, unlike that distant and indifferent clockmaker of Enlightenment deism. Jefferson’s democratic faith was not a product of the Enlightenment: he was not a deist relic in a Christian age. To the contrary, Jefferson’s conception of democracy and nationhood drew himtoward Christianity: by encouraging him to identify with the (overwhelmingly Christian) American people, by underscoring the need for common values and beliefs to sustain republicanism, and by countering the cosmopolitan and universalistic tendencies of the Enlightenment. Jefferson fervently believed that Americans constituted a unique and exceptional people with a providential role to play in the progressive transformation of the modern world.

[1] From the opening paragraph of the Declaration of Independence.
[2] Thomas Jefferson, Notes on the State of Virginia in Thomas Jefferson: Writings (New York: Library of America, 1984), 285.
[3] Thomas Jefferson to Dr. Benjamin Rush, April 21, 1803, in Thomas Jefferson: Writings, 1124; Thomas Jefferson to Rev. Jared Sparks, November 4, 1820, in The Writings of Thomas Jefferson, 20 vols., Andrew A. Lipscomb and Albert Ellery Bergh, eds. (Washington, DC: Thomas Jefferson Memorial Association, 1903–1904), 15:288; Thomas Jefferson to Thomas Whittemore, June 5, 1822, in Jefferson’s Extracts from the Gospels. The Papers of Thomas Jefferson, 2nd series, Dickinson W. Adams, ed. (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1983), 404; Thomas Jefferson to Moses Robinson, March 23, 1801, in Thomas Jefferson: Writings, 1087–88.
[4] Thomas Jefferson to Francis A. van der Kemp, July 30, 1816, in Extracts from the Gospels, 375; Thomas Jefferson to Margaret Bayard Smith, August 6, 1816, in Thomas Jefferson: Writings, 1404.
[5] Thomas Jefferson to George Wythe, August 13, 1786, in Thomas Jefferson: Writings, 859.
[6] Thomas Jefferson to Peter Carr, August 10, 1787, in Thomas Jefferson: Writings, 904 and 902.
[7] Thomas Jefferson to the Danbury Baptist Association, January 1, 1802, in Thomas Jefferson: Writings, 510.
[8] Thomas Jefferson to Dr. Benjamin Waterhouse, June 26, 1822, in Thomas Jefferson: Writings, 1459; Jefferson to Waterhouse, July 19, 1822, in Dickinson W. Adams, ed., Extracts from the Gospels, 406–07.


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