100 days to Brexit and a new world order,,......

100 hundred days....where will be 100 days from now at 11am in the morning. The story unfolds, changes and batters us. We are all sick at heart. We batter ourselves as each day fake news, fallacy and fantasy grips those who never knew what they wanted. It's vague, vacuous and vivid in illusion. The old song runs through our minds ..you can check out anytime you like but you can never leave. There is no real exit in a globalised world.. there never was at least for the last 400 years. People of the leave tribe can never get what they want or think they know, disappointment lays around the corner and with it will rise the ghosts of Weimar. The tribe of Remain can no longer remain anywhere in particular or go back in time. The spectre of the neoliberal crash of 2008 prevents the remainers return. The Lexit Left knows deep down that you can not have socialism in one country. And in the dark mornings and early nights the far right collect another totem to add to the growing number it holds in it's mailed fasces. There never was either Brexit or Remain...that much is clear .. the cliff edge nears and we are all stunned and walk like sleepwakers to wards a new world order... Graham Mallaghan observed the following

 "I think I understand now how the Romano British felt in AD410 when Honorius withdrew the military and government and let them fend for themselves. We are on the cusp of new dark ages in the UK. As a Remainer I feel like one of the Romanised Britons struggling with to cope with the fact that they're soon going to be living in an alien and barbarian land. And it is all so needless.

As to the "Lexit Left" my greatest anger is still reserved for them. They have collaborated with the Tory right, they have collaborated with the fascists of UKIP and with the neo-Nazis of Britain First and the EDL. When there is a bonfire of workers' rights soon after Brexit, when the NHS is dismantled and replaced with a US style system, when racism and the driving out of foreigners become the norm, the Lexiteers will be as responsible as far right Brexiteers. They will be shown to have utterly betrayed all that Socialism and the workers' movement stands for once the full impact of Brexit lands on us all. Here is a link to The Internationale, as Lexiteers have clearly forgotten the words.!

This comment by Lyn Rynon is also very intstructive  "

There is no “socialist case for a People’s Brexit”. This is a narrow, nationalist, insular agenda, with a red veneer. It has nothing to say on the challenges of a deeply interconnected world: climate collapse, great power conflicts, economic crisis, demography, technology.
Marx and Engels understood 170 years ago that:
“The bourgeoisie has through its exploitation of the world market given a cosmopolitan character to production and consumption in every country. To the great chagrin of Reactionists, it has drawn from under the feet of industry the national ground on which it stood. All old-established national industries have been destroyed or are daily being destroyed. They are dislodged by new industries, whose introduction becomes a life and death question for all civilised nations, by industries that no longer work up indigenous raw material, but raw material drawn from the remotest zones; industries whose products are consumed, not only at home, but in every quarter of the globe. In place of the old wants, satisfied by the production of the country, we find new wants, requiring for their satisfaction the products of distant lands and climes. In place of the old local and national seclusion and self-sufficiency, we have intercourse in every direction, universal inter-dependence of nations. And as in material, so also in intellectual production. The intellectual creations of individual nations become common property. National one-sidedness and narrow-mindedness become more and more impossible, and from the numerous national and local literatures, there arises a world literature.”
The Communist Manifesto ends with the resounding call “Workers of the World Unite”, not “A People’s Brexit”. Those promoting the delusions of “economic sovereignty” or a nationalist Keynes are no better than those Reactionists who then refused to see how capitalism cuts away the national ground from industry. In Marx’s day, the global economy was still toddling. Today it is fully grown. Long world-wide chains link thousands of suppliers in tightly connected production processes, often dependent on just-in-time logistics across national boundaries. Markets offer consumers access to all corners of the earth. Dense communication webs join distant communities. Nationalised industries will also operate within this global capitalist network. Financial crises do not respect national borders, nor does pollution that threatens our future, nor do wars or conflicts. What does Brexit have to offer on all this?
Geography and history intimately bind the countries of Europe. The delusion that the meltwater of the last ice age isolates the UK from the continent has been repeatedly disproved over millennia, from Neolithic culture, through centuries of invasion and war, to today’s intimate connections. These are not “far away countries of which we know little” as Chamberlain once believed. Economy, culture, travel join us together in a shared future. A reactionary retreat from strong and collaborative relationships across Europe threatens those contacts, pushing us back into the past. There can be no socialism on one island.
Yet on the central question of how to interact with the institutions and peoples of Europe, People’s Brexit supporters often remain silent. Or repeat arguments from right-wing economists on the merits of the WTO, or the glories of free trade. Or talk vaguely about “trade deals” without daring to explore what those might involve. Or dream blissfully that we could pursue our manifesto, freed from the world’s concerns by those few miles of water. On fighting across Europe for a progressive agenda, they have nothing useful to say.
Denouncing the failures of the EU’s institutions and leaders is easy entertainment. It achieves nothing without a programme to challenge those, one that cannot confine itself within national borders in our interconnected continent and world. Socialists, who put class before country, must unite across Europe, fighting against austerity and exclusion, and for prosperity, peace and a liveable future. Europe for the many not the few.
Labour activists in Britain are not the only Europeans who want that change. Some are already organised in parties and movements like Podemos or La France insoumise, or developing ideas like those of Democracy in Europe 25 or around the economist Thomas Piketty and others. Many are on the streets, in France against an unjust tax system, in Poland to defend democracy and women’s rights, in Romania against corruption, in Hungary to protect employment rights, in Catalonia for national recognition, across the continent to save our climate. We must stop seeing these conflicts as evidence of the evils of the EU and instead see them as an opportunity to build a Europe-wide struggle for our future.
Labour must defend freedom of movement across the EU. The right to travel, work, study, live, love, retire, where we want, is a gain, enjoyed by British citizens as well as others, that we should not give up. In a poorly regulated labour market, capitalism can exploit migrants to drive down wages and conditions for all. But socialists do not respond to that by rejection but by organising for improvements backed by enforceable laws, by resisting rogue employers and landlords, by demanding that services must be expanded not cut, and by building strong unions and communities that unite workers across race, nationality and culture, not divide us through a fake patriotism.
Brexit is snake-oil peddled by those who want to destroy class solidarity. This is not about the neoliberalism of the EU, an agenda pushed most vigorously by the UK itself. Nor is it about the wording of treaty paragraphs or court rulings, about which some obsess at the expense of forgetting class struggle and geopolitics. Neoliberalism must be fought both by socialist leaders and governments, and by the European people, but walking away will not change the EU, nor will it insulate the UK from global capitalism. A Corbyn government will be threatened from many directions, from international markets to the UK’s own deep state. We will need friends, from Europe and beyond. Let’s reach out to them, not push them away.
The Brexit talks have shown that the UK’s ability to negotiate changes in our relationship with the EU has been gravely weakened by triggering article 50. Labour would now face the same problem if we took over negotiations. Any deal made from outside entails sacrificing control for access. Inside, we could deploy our powers as members to seek allies, within and outside the institutions, to press for change. No deal would leave a Labour government still exposed to capitalist markets, with fewer defences against any EU aggression against our manifesto.
Status quo Remain will not work. Stopping Brexit must go hand-in-hand with transforming Britain and fighting for socialism in Europe. A public vote that left the Tories in government could not do that. There must be a general election, either instead of, or immediately after a referendum. Those who falsely believe that Brexit offers hope will feel betrayed unless rapid action is taken to address their problems. Only a Labour government can do that, and if Parliament resists an election, even after the Tories lose a referendum, then we will have to force one through mass protests and civil disobedience. Remain, but rebel."